Wednesday, July 17, 2019
Jacques Bertrand’s ‘Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia’
The set aside to be examine is Jacques Bertrands Nationalism and Ethnic contest in Ind championsia, published by Cambridge University Press in 2004. This moderate is seen as one of the some youthful pens on the subject of cultural negates as they atomic number 18, and by means of the optical prism of the land site in In by dint of with(p)sia.Jacques Bertrand is cognize for the deep scientific research in the sphere of Asian studies Bertrand is the originators of numerous deeds related to Indonesian contrasts and heathenishal understates, so the volume whitethorn be seen as either a continuation of this research, or as the means of concluding all prior knowledge and making it more than systematic, thus eliminating unneeded information and creating a loose picture of what the smirch is and what the roots of this situation atomic number 18.A question may turn out (as swell as somber doubts) as for how a Professor and a scientists of Toronto University, whic h is not even finis to Indonesia could perform such deep research and whether the ideas condition in the book croupe be bank and good deal be relevant, provided Bertrand was able to encounter the situation from inside, visiting Indonesia and conducting the research there. These research trips as the author calls them, transformed the initial idea and contrive of the book, and the resulting work is the one we read now.Speaking some the situation when a foreign author writes about pagan troths of some new(prenominal) country, it has both its advantages and drawbacks. Taking into broadsheet that the author states m each hoi polloi from versatile non-governmental organizations crossways Indonesia provided me with assistance, contacts and resources (Bertrand 2004, p. xv), it may be maked that the conclusions make in the book atomic number 18 relevant and reliable. 2.The authors purpose of writing this book was systematization of the information which had already been at disposal and needed deeper depth psychology and application in the theories described in the book however, probably the spark advance aim of writing this book was to find mathematical solutions of the conflict situation. I only hope that my work, in its very small way, peck help to exonerate some aspects of the conflict and perhaps contribute to the propitiation process. (Bertrand 2004, p. xv) 3. One of the principal benefits of the book is that Bertrand was able to select huge systematization of the already inhabiting material.This is regardably seen through and through the strict structure of the book, with each disunite addressing the separate aspect of the conflict without tearing it clear up the general annotation of discussion. Thus, ill-use by step, the commentator fills the image of the situation which he has given through the beginning of the book, with additional aspects and details, making it multidimensional. The argument of this book consequently differs from new(prenominal) studies that have addressed confuse aspects of the companionable violence of the late 1990s. (Bertrand 2004, p.6) The principal divergency and one of the main advantages of this classification is that it is done through three lines the original one described what utilisation elites play in raising heathen conflict here Bertrand was brave enough to deny the chroma of certain arguments and evidences (for example, the role of outside forces) and to re-direct discussion into understanding, what forces connect local groups to elites, and why so many people joined the riots. The full structure of the book is make as leading the ratifier to the feasible conclusions step by step.From the very beginning the author gives elemental theoretical entreees as for the possibilities of escalating heathenish violence. The advantages of making this chapter the first is in giving serious reach for the reader to understand what roots of violence and ethnic conflict s exist at present, which helps to make personal conclusions as for which of the theories is applicable to the situation in Indonesia. Bernard tries to explain the core of ethnic violence through the conjunction and inter semblance of field of studyism, institutions and dealings between ethnic groups.It has been emphasized through the book that all previous studies had focused on national ethnic identities as well as unhomogeneous socio-economic factors not a single theory had made any stress on the assumption that ethnic violence bring abouts relevant through the periods of institutional reconstruction of the state. (Bertrand 2004, p. 10) These theoretic uprisees atomic number 18 also seen through the weightlessness of the nationalism/ ethnic conflict connection, in which Bernard sees the indispensable aspect nationalism is what links nations to the states (Bertrand 2004, p.15), and bandage it is practically seen as a very negative aspect, in its moderate forms nation alism is what defines the face of nation. Having once paid tending to the assumption that trust is the core of the ethnic conflict in Indonesia, Bernard follows this line across the several more pieces, coming to the point that the discussion of how sacred issues are managed in the country and how islamization influenced the ethnic structure and relation of people in Indonesia will finally be watch over the correct choice giving the ideas as for how this conflict should be solved.Making logical structure, Bernard leads the reader to the issue of religion as leading in Indonesian ethnic conflicts, gradually starting the section of unearthly conflicts with the commentary of their essence, the reader goes through the explanation of connections between riots and religion, as well as the fall of Sukartos government activity which is seen one of the pushing forces for the escalation of ethnic violence. though the violence was direct most clearly at the ethnic Chinese, religious und ertones were nevertheless present. (Bertrand 2004, p. 102) this quotation awards the objectivity of analysis.Bernard tries to avoid savourless statements and assumes that the analysis of the Indonesian ethnic conflicts should be done very carefully the author is or else gingerly in many statements which make the reader understand the striving for being objective. In explaining the reasons for religious riots, for example, Bernard was rather critical of the previous analyses made by different(a) authors, but even in that case it has not been done in denying way, but through the prism of the knowledge which the author possessed and wanted to fork up to the public.(Bertrand 2004, p. 111) Making autonomy or federalism the surpass closedown of the ethnic conflict, Bernard explains this position stating that autonomy could redistribute policy-making power, representation, and control over the states resources to provincial or govern levels. As such, it gave governmental elite s in these territorial units more power to direct resources to their specific needs (Bertrand 2004, p.185) Thus, having started the book with the discussion of the policy-making local elites as one of the major(ip) participants of ethnic violence, having gone through historical and religious aspects, Bernard still comes back to these elites in the solution, seeing it as the most beneficial. As it has get clear, the structure is perfectly strict, vivid, logical and correct. The book can be viewed as the basis for deep analysis and understanding the misconceptions which existed in the previous studies on the same subject. These misconceptions have also partially been mentioned here.4. The assumptions which underlie the authors argument mainly shake the aspect of religion the basic assumption is that religious conflicts become the moving forces for the ethnic conflict, as well as that local elites need self-identification, which also leads them to riots and ethnic violence. One mor e useful assumption is that though many riots had no religious tint on the surface, the conflict between Islam and Christianity is the ground on which ethnic conflicts grew with assuming that local elites play not the ending role in creating these riots.It is also manageable to assume that ethnic violence is used as apportion for elimination of the undesired religious layers this assumption can be seen through the whole book, though it is not expressed openly, but is rather implied. 5. How to categorize the authors approach to the problem? I would state that it is a conspiracy of sociological and policy-making approaches. It is suggested that sociological approach is viewed through the analysis of the connections between the elites of various level (national, local).Political approach is seen through the suggestion that autonomy will be the best resolution of the conflict. The question is here what other views and perspectives could be used here and how they could change the wh ole book. Lets think the cardinal approaches used by the author are beneficial because they make it achievable to come to the relevant conclusions and to make real suggestions as for the possible solutions. If this approach was philosophical it would be absolutely assorted and probably deeper, but it would not be possible to create basic resolutions for the conflict.6. Methodology which was used by the author is mostly interviewing Bernard spent rather great metre speaking to native people and alive among them to gather all information possible for the book. As it is stated in the very first section of the book, colleagues provided useful comments on parts of the manuscript or related papers, some influenced my ideas in discussions at various venues where I presented my work, or forced me to revise my analysis significantly in light of their constructive criticism. (Bertrand 2004, p. xiv) 7.It may seem difficult to define what audience Bernard addresses in this book. Lookin g closer at the language in which the book is written, and thinking of what audience should be the best for reading the theoretical and practical material, it may be assumed that this book will be the most suitable for the researchers who now only work in he area of Asian conflicts and would be concerned in information about Indonesia the theoretical background is so strong that it can be used in any related sociological and political studies in the area of the ethnic conflicts, violence and their reasons and sources.Moreover, the line which the author makes through the book (the logical line) can also be used by schoolmasters in analyzing other regions of the world in the similar manner. Though the references made by Bernard to other works and authors, are all noted in the book, it is still easier to be read for those who have an idea about these works and what these works are about. 8. Any author can be criticized and it is always possible to find swooning sides in any work, no matter how professional it can be.There of course can be other views on the problem, and Bernard was wise enough as to show these viewpoints in this work and to critically analyze them on the basis of the knowledge available from her life in Indonesia, though it is also possible to look at the problem not through religious prism, but through the prism of political reasons of striving for autonomy, for example, and in this case the research would take a varied form.For example, Bowen (1996) speaks about ethnic conflicts viewing them through social conflict and the importance of political choices, without any relation to religion. In his article he writes that emerging of the political systems is the crucial element for avoiding violence in any form, and though Bernard relates to institutional changes in the political structure, the arguments are still directed towards religion. 9.Though it may be suggested that while the book was published in 2004, three days might have created se rious effect on the Indonesian regime and much could have changed aft(prenominal) that. One of the recent articles in Washington measure about Indonesia ( unnamed 2005 p. A22) and its violence on the ethnic background has given assurance that Bernard was right the arguments given about the Sukarno regime and its impact on raising ethnic conflict are only supported and are not denied and even neutralized.Though the tendency towards democratization of the Indonesian society was noted as an important political factor for eliminating violence and destroying the grounds for the conflict when world has received the right to elect and to vote, it has become clear that the Sukarno regimes supporters would not have many chances to win the elections. man Bertrand states at the end of the book that the end of regime opened up opportunities for renegotiating new terms of inclusion, or secession, for ethnonationalist groups, (Bertrand 2004, p. 217) this assumption is supported by the abovem entioned article.Thus, it is not possible to say that the arguments given by Bernard were weakened with time the perspective drawn by the author was developed as predicted, and the absence of any recent articles on violence in Indonesia is the best support for the soothsaying that renegotiating of ethnic groups has taken place. 10. The moment of the writing analyzed here is not under any doubts it has become clear that the analysis made by Bertrand is so deep that it cannot be stated any other author has been able to conduct the research of such large scale over the recent years.The significance of this writing is more increased through the two following factors first of all, it has been done from inside of the situation with Bertrand attempt multiple research trips to the country and second, seeing the serious conclusions touching the need of autonomy, to which the author was able to come. References Anonymous 2005, Democratizing Indonesia, The Washington Times, September 23, p . A22 Bertrand, Jacques 2004, Nationalism and Ethnic participation in Indonesia, Cambridge University Press. Bowen, JR 1996, The myth of global ethnic conflict, diary of Democracy, vol. 7, no. 4, p. 3-14
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